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 The conflict between "idpol" and class is really simple. You have to believe that one is the outgrowth of the other. 

People will either have fixed identities that are rooted in some metaphysical "essence" that’s within their race, ethnicity, gender, etc, and that thus dictates all things in their lives including their class status (the position adhered to by both far right naughtzies and, unironically, "woke" liberal 2.0ers). 

Or you take on a materialist outlook that a person's class is determined by historical tendencies and the method that society is structured, plus that their "identity" is hugely shaped by that too. 

To be black or white or homosexual/lesbian, is basically just to define yourself in addition to the power boundaries within the capitalist structure. Irish and Greek people weren't "white" to some other people over 100 years ago, and a few of the most hardcore supporters of the Steve Bannon/Donald Trump notion of white nationalism are brown migrants. You need a type of historical materialism to get any of this stuff.

In actuality, ideas such as race could just be understood as the consequence that comes out of historical and material conditions. Which too is why they are infinitely flexible and change from generation to generation. If the current concept of race and "whiteness" are protuberances of the 15th century transatlantic slave trade and each thing that has happened since that time, then it is obvious that not one thing about the race of a person is "essential".

Liberal 2.0ers and in particular their radlib and postmodernist subgroups (overall) come to see identity categories as epistemologies in and of themselves, hence (fill in idpol category) ways of knowing, etc.. 

Blackness in this light is monolithic (out in the world governing over black persons) and within each black person at the same time. Marxists/Marxians like myself aren’t going to win at this game since we aren’t playing this game at its core— there is no reconciling materialism and identity reductionism at all.

Now this doesn’t mean that we don’t see a need to adjust and lend an ear to how certain legacies are reflected in the situations of our time. 

But none the less, liberal 2.0ers take voices and meta narratives as things that are in and of themself and as the activism itself— what the discourse and culture reflects is reflected in daily life. 

Everything that isn’t a fit in this framework is rendered class reductionism. We can’t make believe that we can lift an Adolph Reed, Cornell West, etc. And think we will one up their frameworks.

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